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Family and sex

View research View latest news Sign up for updates. Metrics details. Compared to age at first marriage and contraceptive use, age at sexual debut and family size preferences are rarely examined in studies of fertility decline. In this study, we analyzed the contribution of age at first marriage, age at first sex, family size preferences and contraceptive use to change in fertility in Uganda between and Using data from the and Uganda Demographic and Health Survey UDHS , we applied a nonlinear multivariate decomposition technique to quantify the contribution of age at first marriage, age at first sex, family size preference and contraceptive use to the change in fertility observed during the — period. Changes in proportion of women by; age at first marriage, age at first sex, family size preferences and contraceptive use were respectively associated with The study quantified the contribution of age at first marriage, age at first sex, family size preferences and contraceptive use to the change in fertility observed between and We highlight that of the four factors, only age at sexual debut made a significant contribution on the two components of the decomposition. There is need to address the low age at first sex, accessibility, demand for family planning services and youth-friendly family planning services to young unmarried women such that they can achieve their desired fertility. The contribution of other factors such as education attainment by women and place of residence and their relationship with changes in fertility calls for addressing if further reduction in fertility is to be realised.
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There are lots of stereotypes about the eldest child, youngest child and middle child, but are any true? Freddy decided to carry his own baby, but he faced a highly unusual challenge — he's a gay transgender man. Despite vast changes in male and female roles in Western societies - is it still unusual to have a male nanny?
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What is Family Strokes? In this age of the extended family, nothing is taboo behind closed doors.
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Mrs Bennet may have lamented having five daughters and no son in Pride and Prejudice, but it appears that Lizzy and her sisters would be unlikely to produce a similar set of children: research suggests having multiple offspring of the same sex does not run in the family. In the largest study of its kind, researchers have found that whether a family is dominated by boys or girls — or has an equal mix — is simply down to chance. The team say the new findings scotch — at least for humans — a long-held theory that the sex-ratio of offspring is not random and that biases are heritable. But, he added, the idea had problems. Writing in the journal Proceedings of the Royal Society B , an international team of researchers report how they scrutinised records for all people born in Sweden in or later and had at least one child before Overall, the study included more than 6. The team then carried out an analysis to explore whether first cousins tended to be of the same sex. The results reveal that there is no such link — a result that held even when the team looked only at first-born children. However, looking within a nuclear family of parents and children, the team found that families with just two children tended to have a boy and a girl — a split that occurred more often than expected by chance — while families with more children tended to have a skew towards either boys or girls. This, the team said, appears to be down to parents calling time on having more children once they have the family makeup they desire, and continuing to have children until then: indeed further analysis showed that it was not possible to predict the sex of a child based on the sex of its older siblings alone — in other words, without knowing the family size.
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It is widely reported that teenagers becoming parents is on the increase and this concerns many parents when their teenagers start to explore relationships. There are no hard and fast rules on parenting a teenager and it is important to keep the conversation of sex and relationships open and ongoing throughout these years. Our section on sex and relationships has a wealth of information from talking to your teenager about sex and relationships to teenage pregnancy and puberty and disabled teenagers. Our articles are full of advice and information. Home Press Work for us. We build better family lives together. Visit our forums. Donate now. Sex and relationships It is widely reported that teenagers becoming parents is on the increase and this concerns many parents when their teenagers start to explore relationships. Most teenagers develop strong feelings for someone at some point.
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View research View latest news Sign up for updates. Metrics details. Compared to age at first marriage and contraceptive use, age at sexual debut and family size preferences are rarely examined in studies of fertility decline. In this study, we analyzed the contribution of age at first marriage, age at first sex, family size preferences and contraceptive use to change in fertility in Uganda between and Using data from the and Uganda Demographic and Health Survey UDHS , we applied a nonlinear multivariate decomposition technique to quantify the contribution of age at first marriage, age at first sex, family size preference and contraceptive use to the change in fertility observed during the — period.

Changes in proportion of women by; age at first marriage, age at first sex, family size preferences and contraceptive use were respectively associated with The study quantified the contribution of age at first marriage, age at first sex, family size preferences and contraceptive use to the change in fertility observed between and We highlight that of the four factors, only age at sexual debut made a significant contribution on the two components of the decomposition. There is need to address the low age at first sex, accessibility, demand for family planning services and youth-friendly family planning services to young unmarried women such that they can achieve their desired fertility.

The contribution of other factors such as education attainment by women and place of residence and their relationship with changes in fertility calls for addressing if further reduction in fertility is to be realised. Peer Review reports. Many developing countries in Latin America and Asia experienced rapid reductions in fertility rates and this was termed a reproductive revolution [ 1 ].

By comparison, Africa is yet to experience this revolution as the onset of its fertility transition occurred about two decades later and at a slower pace than in non-African developing countries [ 2 ]. The fertility decline in Sub-Saharan Africa SSA is characterized by country and regional variations in both the onset and pace [ 3 , 4 ]. During —, all sub-regions of SSA had fertility rates of above 6 births per woman [ 4 ].

In spite of the variations in pace and onset, all regions of SSA have experienced reductions in fertility. For instance, during the — period, the fertility of Southern Africa region declined to 2. Some of these norms are those regarding the onset of sexual intercourse and union, contraception as well as the ideal size of the family.

Studies have documented the importance of reductions in fertility desires for fertility transition especially in high fertility countries such as those in Africa [ 4 , 6 , 7 ]. Indeed, one of the major factors responsible for the reproductive revolution in Latin America and Asia was a decline in the desired family size [ 1 ]. The decline of fertility preferences that accompanies development leads to a decline in actual fertility as this facilitates the adoption of birth control [ 8 ].

Like fertility levels in SSA, the fertility desires in the region are generally high compared to other sub-regions globally [ 9 ]. For instance, in the year , SSA had an average desired family size of 5.

This was higher than the averages for North Africa and the Middle East 3. SSA has experienced modest decreases in desired family size with an average decline of just 0. Due to the slow pace of decline, it will take more than a century for SSA to reach a desired family size of two children [ 10 ]. The relatively high fertility desires in SSA are rooted in traditional pronatalist practices that also partly explain the lower prevalence of contraception in the region [ 2 , 12 ].

Although studies have pointed to a positive relationship between the number of desired children and fertility, the relationship is not uniform for SSA. Despite experiencing increases in the number of desired children, Niger and Chad showed a slight decline in their levels of fertility while Mozambique witnessed a decline in the desired number of children yet its fertility increased [ 12 ].

While comparing Ugandan and Ethiopian fertility, it was asserted that fertility decline in the two countries can be attained when women realize their own desired family size [ 14 ]. Despite being largely prohibited in African societies, premarital sexual activity happens [ 15 ].

In many parts of Africa, first births precede formal marriage and in some cases, proof of fecundity is an important pre-condition to formalizing marriage [ 16 ]. In East Africa, premarital pregnancy is sometimes a driver of marriage rather than vice versa [ 17 ]. In Rwanda and Uganda, studies have reported significant associations between age at sexual debut and lifetime fertility [ 18 , 19 ]. Uganda has persistently had high fertility. High fertility refers to a total fertility rate TFR of 5.

The persistent high fertility is partly attributable to cultural and religious preferences for large families that limit contraceptive use [ 20 ]. Although religious and cultural values in Uganda prohibit premarital childbearing, demographic and health survey results have consistently indicated that many Ugandan women engage in sex before marriage which exposes them to the risk of pregnancy [ 21 ].

For some young people in Uganda, early pregnancy is a positive incentive for early marriage and some young women are said to pierce condoms during sexual intercourse so that they can get pregnant and thus compel their partners into marriage [ 20 ].

Premarital sex thus creates a favorable ground for early pregnancy, early marriage, and early childbearing which have known implications on fertility levels and public health. Until the year , Uganda had experienced almost unchanging fertility and this can among others be linked to the nearly constant mean ideal number of children among women [ 22 ]. Since the year , the TFR for Uganda has shown indications of a faster decline. In this paper, we analyzed the changes in fertility preferences, age at first marriage, age at first sex and contraception among women between and and also assessed the extent to which these changes have contributed to the changing fertility in Uganda while quantifying the independent contribution of each to the observed change in fertility.

The DHSs are nationally representative cross-sectional surveys. In both the and surveys, women were asked about their birth histories and this provided information on the total number of children ever born CEB which we used as our measure of fertility in the decomposition of the change in fertility. CEB is a measure of cumulative fertility and includes the total number of live births that the woman had ever had at the time of the survey.

This study adopted a multivariate decomposition analysis that quantifies changes observed over time into components attributable to changing characteristics and changing behaviors to determine the contribution of changing the age at first marriage, family size preferences, age at first sex and contraception to change in fertility observed between and Our inclusion and exclusion criteria were based on the DHS question about the sexual activity of women.

Such women by natural means are not exposed to the risk of pregnancy and consequently childbearing. We thus only included women who had ever had sex and excluded those who declared that they had never had sex virgins as these are considered not to have natural exposure to pregnancy.

This inclusion and exclusion criteria makes it possible for women who had ever had sex but did not declare so to be excluded. This possibility is enhanced by the fact that questions on sexual activity are sensitive especially among young unmarried women in cultural contexts that discourage premarital sexual activity.

Young unmarried women may not declare that they are sexually active yet indeed they are. This poses challenges of disclosure of information related to sexual activities. The dependent variable used in the study was the number of children ever born CEB to a female respondent in the and surveys.

CEB is a measure of the total number of children born to a woman up to the moment at which the data are collected [ 27 ]. CEB looks at all children that were born alive to the woman and excludes stillbirths. This measure was selected over TFR which is considered a superior measure of fertility. It is a synthetic measure that assumes constant birthrates over the lifespan based on a hypothetical cohort of women of reproductive age and that no one will leave the hypothetical cohort [ 28 ]. Furthermore, fertility decisions such as those to do with giving birth and using contraception may be made based on the number of children that women or couples have already had.

The major independent variables for this analysis are; family size preferences, age at first marriage, age at first sex and contraceptive use. We also include education, type of place of residence as other factors that may contribute to the change in fertility.

Education specifies the level of education attained by the woman at the time of the survey. We classified education into three categories; no education women who reported not to have attained any level of education , primary and secondary education.

Type of place of residence looked at whether the woman resided in an urban or a rural area while contraceptive use sought information on whether the woman was currently using any contraceptive method or not. Age at first marriage specifies the age at which the woman first entered into a union. There was a category of women who gave a non-numeric response to this question.

This was to enable the grouping of a sexual debut into very early adolescence and late adolescence and then the post-adolescence. Details of the questions asked regarding birth histories are in the demographic and health survey reports. In our analysis, we first described the and sample of women by age, education level, place of residence, age at first marriage, age at first sex, ideal family size and contraceptive use.

We used the Pearson chi-squared test to assess whether between and , there was a significant change in the composition of women by these characteristics. Although the study used CEB as the dependent variable, the age-specific fertility rates ASFR and TFR of the women were computed to compare the estimated fertility levels by age at first marriage, ideal family size preferred, age at first sex and contraception status of the women using the tfr2 module [ 29 ] for the two survey years. The ASFRs by the age at first sex, age at first marriage, the ideal number of children and contraception status are presented as Figs.

The data was first weighted using a weighting variable generated using the sample weight variable in the DHS data coded as v The weighting took into account the complex sample design used in the DHS. Finally, the study used decomposition analysis to quantify the contribution of the selected factors to the variation in cumulated fertility of the women between the years and using CEB as the outcome variable.

Decomposition analysis was selected because; although they do not establish causation, decomposition methods are a useful approach that identifies the main sources of change in an outcome [ 30 ].

Multivariate decomposition methods analyze changes or differences in outcome variables into components of change and assess their relative importance. These changes reflect population characteristics that may directly or indirectly influence outcomes [ 31 ]. A non-linear multivariate decomposition mvdcmp technique that deals with count outcomes such as the number of children was applied.

The decomposition technique partitions change over time into components attributable to changing effects and changing composition [ 32 ]. Specifically, the mvdcmp analysis technique portioned the change in CEB observed between and into two components that is, changing characteristics of women and variation in effects of the characteristics on CEB in an overall decomposition and isolated the unique contribution of each characteristic to each of the two components in a detailed decomposition [ 32 ].

Because CEB is a count, a Poisson regression model was selected for the multivariate decomposition. The coefficient effects indicate changes in the risk of childbearing for the women of selected characteristics over time. To obtain the overall contribution of a characteristic to the change in fertility, the percentages for the various categories of a given characteristic are added together. The summarized decomposition equation is as below.

Component E indicates what the change in fertility would be if the women in the survey were given the distribution of covariates on the women in the survey while C shows the would-be fertility variation if the women experienced the childbearing rates associated with the independent variables. We run two decomposition models. In the first model, place of residence and education level were included as control variables while in the second decomposition model, we analyzed the association of contraceptive use, age at first marriage, age at first sex and family size preferences with the observed change in fertility.

This was done because of the differential association of the four factors with place of residence and education attainment by women. For example, contraceptive use has generally been reported to be higher among women in urban areas, higher education categories compared to their counterparts in rural areas and lower education categories.

Also, age at first marriage is lower among women in rural areas compared to those in urban areas. The weighted sample of women was and 15, for the and survey respectively. The results indicate that there was no statistical difference in the age composition of women between and On the other hand, there were significant differences in the composition by education, place of residence, contraceptive use, age at first marriage, family size preferences and age at first sexual intercourse.

This shows that the sample of women had more educated women than the sample and this may have implications on the levels of fertility over the two years. Similarly, the findings indicate that the proportion of women who were residing in urban areas was This shows that there were more contraceptive users in the sample and thus any fertility differences may be linked to this observation. This may point to possible early exposure to pregnancy and childbearing.

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